Day 13: Wed 1st February
Day 13: Wed 1st February
Due to start at 10 a.m. Judge arrives at 10.05 a.m. Mr King is held up on the motorway, so Mark's junior, the very able and darkly humourous Mr Nutter, is standing in as a formality to represent my interests. More cards and letter for both me and Mark, once again, many thanks.
One of them is a poem, aparently by someone who has been in court. It's really rather good:
Beneath the lion and unicorn
Of HONI SOIT QUI MAL Y PENSE
The theatre stands in readiness
Our British justice to dispense.
The Free Speech Two stand resolute,
The victims in a war of words,
Indicted for sincerity,
Called to account in Counts absurd.
Public displays of unjust laws,
Designed to silence all debate
And quieten those who would speak out
Against a multicultural state.
The battle rages long and hard,
No quarter do The Two concede.
They firmly to the truth adhere;
For Freedom's cause they intercede.
The world is largely unaware
Of selfless two-fold sacrifice
By those who see with seers' sight
The politicians' artifice.
But those who follow, hearts inspired
With pride, at honest eloquence
The Free Speech Two displayed, with such
Will cause the fruits of courage, rare
Within this land, so lost and lorn,
To grow with greater vigour there
And bring a braver, brighter morn.
Thank you, 'Britannia'.
[Note to overseas readers, the French motto in bold means 'Evil Be To He Who Thinks Evil of It'. It, together with the lion and the unicorn, grace the Royal Crest which adorns the wall behind the judge].
The jury file back in at 10.08 and the judge explains why my counsel are absent at present. He then turns to Mark's fourth speech.
The judge points out that the Abu Qatada to whom Mark refers in the course of his speech when he talks about asylum seekers including terrorists, is the same man shown on a DVD clip included in my defence. This had shown clearly that Qatada was an extremist, stirring up trouble, and that he was an asylum seeker funded by the British taxpayer. The same is true of Abu Hamza.
Quite a bit of time is spent on comments Mark had made about a once-pretty young white girl and the "Asian/asylum seeker" who called at her house and who he took - on pure experience knowing the area - to be a pusher.
The judge tells the jury that it would be unfair to set much store by an unfinished essay that Mark had written at the age of 19, which the prosecution had provided as evidence of his intentions and state of mind. "Especially in politics, people change their minds, and he is now a man of 24".
He reminds the jury of how Mark had said that, living and working politically in working class
So far the summing up is very fair, he stresses again that if Mark's evidence makes them have doubts about whether the prosecution claims are correct, then they should not convict.
Two whole pages of the speech that follow are clearly political, involving criticisms of our political opponents. These are important, says the judge. "To what extent do they colour the rest of the speech, and water it down?"
Mr King QC arrives at 10.30 a.m., just as the judge is telling the jury that the Attorney-General brings prosecutions not as a Minister of the government but as a law officer. "There is no reason to believe that he did not carry out his duties properly in this case." Of course not, he's an active Labour party supporter and a friend of the Blairs, and we know that makes him an honest and trustworthy chap.
He turns to deal with my speeches.
He runs through my general defence, and gives due weight to the applause in the Shelf meeting when I spoke of the wickedness of the people who racially murdered an elderly Asian. Again, it's all fair at present.
He moves on to review my Keighley speech (incidentally, for those readers who have now seen it online, I can say that, if I am at liberty at the end of this, I will get posted up my defence material on how I formed what may at first sight seem to be a very harsh judgement of Islam).
He deals at length with my description of how 'grooming' occurs, and how I said that the problem was continuing. Next time, if there is one, however, we need to ensure that the full details of the process, right to the end when girls are either gang-raped or got hooked on hard drugs (often by being given what they think is an ordinary cannabis joint which is in fact spiked with crack cocaine) is explained properly. It is deeply shocking and, because we weren't allowed to show the Edge of the City documentary, the jury still don't really have a full picture of what it involves.
Talking of my references to the Koran he points out that the page copies I have provided are marked, so it is easy to see what I am referring to. In discussing the Crown claim that when I say 'Muslims' I really mean 'Asians', to my mind he gives rather more weight to it than to my arguments to the contrary.
He moves on to what he describes as 'the kernel of Mr Griffin's defence': "In attacking the Muslim faith I do not attack Asians. Many Asians are not Muslims, indeed a friend of mine, Mr Singh, is a Sikh, an Asian, who helped me form my views on this issue."
It is now 10.54, I was right to think this would take longer than an hour today. He goes through at length what I had to say about how I formed my views on this subject. The jury are taken through what I had to say in significant detail. He's still having trouble with the name 'Qatada'.
It was clearly a mistake not to fight harder to stress the material I came across in my studies of Islam which convinced me that it is inherently 'extreme', fundamentalist and dangerous, as the impression can all too easily be gained from this review that it's only obvious fanatics like Qatada and Hamza who are dangerous. This can be taken to suggest that it is unfair to tar the whole religion with their brush. Here is something else that, in the light of the way my views have not been adequately presented in this trial, will have to be put right if we get a hung jury and a retrial.
My references to our becoming an oppressed minority in our own land again brings the judge to refer to how the official figures have been interpreted by demographers to show that this is on course to happen sometime between 2060 and 2100. This is the great unspoken issue in the whole of British politics - indeed in the political discourse of the entire Western world. Our raising it is, in many ways, the core reason for us being in the dock.
Even my rhetorical flourish about 'killing the Islamic dragon' which was shown on BBC is an exhortation to get involved politically, he reminds them the evidence showed, and goes on to remind them of my exchanges with Mr King, including a repetition of my warning that "Within decades Western societies have to decide whether to retain their standards or to become Islamic republics", that I believe that Islam is a menace, a metaphorical 'dragon'.
Although this is all fair enough, I'm not sure I really see the point of it. Line after line is analysed, both in favour of the prosecution and of the defence. Why not just get the jury to look at the speech once more and leave it to their judgement?
He reminds the jury of how I described a '
Yes, much of what he is saying is very fair. He reads a big chunk of my evidence as to how I've seen young men come to meetings clearly feeling hate, but how, after they've got involved, they come to understand that the problem is political and needs a political solution, and how when I see them a few months later "the hatred has evaporated." I think this is a very important point, and I hope it's taken on board. The trouble is not what Justice Norman Stone is saying at the moment, but that he may be going on so long that the jury might be switching off.
Liberal note-taking man is still taking notes, and is now wearing a suit and tie - a clear indication he wants to be elected jury foreman. It will either be him or the Tory-looking lady.
When he moves over pages which are not 'sensitive', the judge reminds the jury that they must still be borne in mind as part of the overall picture.
At the end of the speech the judge yet again tells them to look at it as a whole, and also take into account what I've said in the court, and the documents I've put before them.
The final speech was the one at
Next time, if it arises, we'll have to provide the photograph that shows that Stephen Lawrence's black power salute has been shoved down the media memory hole. It very powerfully illustrates the media bias. Imagine, for example, if one of the white lads whose ignored murders we decry had been photographed giving a Nazi salute? The media or the prosecution in a case like this would immediately use the picture to suggest that they deserved to die, or at least probably brought racial violence upon themselves. As always, it's one law for the 'ethnics' and one for the whites.
This speech, he reminds the jury, was described by me as an attack on the press.
Inevitably we revisit the Stephen Lawrence issue, before moving on to review what I said about several white victims. Gavin Hopley is the first. I think back to a few days ago, and my livid anger when the prosecutor suggested to me that in this case 'justice has been done' because someone had been jailed for riotous behaviour. Swine.
Sean Whyte. Again, I suspect that Mr Jameson and Co really don't believe that the killers of victims like this do indeed swagger the streets and boast and intimidate both the victims' families and other people in the community. I wish I had had the chance to tell them how 'krypto' have become a slang verb in Pollockshields, Glasgow - Krypto was the nick-name of Kriss Donald, and to this day young whites are threatened by '
At least the disparity in media coverage seems to be coming out today, better so far on this than yesterday.
The judge loses his thread and stumbles slightly more in my material than in Mark's. I fear this is an indication of the fact that, even when slowing down to give evidence, I talk too fast.
The fact that a statement from Kriss Donald's mother saying she didn't want the murder flagged up as a racial killing appeared in the Scottish papers is used to case doubt on my evidence about having met a member of his family and family friends. Having done so, however, he does point out that I might have met someone other than Kriss' mother. Precisely.
Part of my speech about the murder of Scott Pritchard in
This speech did, in substantial part, he says, deal with more political issues, take these pages into account.
My 7/7 and 21/7 prophesies are read out yet again, as is my point that the eventual backlash could and should be political and peaceful, through the ballot box, but that if the BNP is persecuted and suppressed so that this option ceases to be available, the result is likely to be violence.
It's amazing how the liberal political and media elites in particular readily concede this point when explaining what went wrong in Northern Ireland in the late 1960s, leading to thirty years of horror, but when it comes to mainland Britain in 2006, they really do seem blind to the dangers inherent in their repeated attempts to suppress peaceful political involvement and solutions.
He says that my bundle includes not just the Koran but also material from writers 'antagonistic to Islam'. This is a reasonable analysis from what he has heard, but only because he earlier in the case wouldn't allow me enough time to explain my position in full, including the fact that authors such as Hiskett are in fact thoroughly balanced in their views of Islam.
Finally, the jury are told to feel under no pressure of time. They file out at 12.04 and we are granted bail within the precincts of the court. That's it. End of case. Now we just have to wait.
We retire to the canteen, where the ladies are once again very friendly and supportive. We find the curtains overlooking the street closed and guarded by police officers. Their job is to keep us away from the windows on account of the rabid little mob of far-leftists screeching hate down below. As this also stops us waving our thanks to our rather larger band of supporters waving Union and St. George flags on the other side of the road, we decide to go outside to meet them at 1 p.m. (the judge having indicated that we can leave the 'precincts of the court' for an hour at lunchtime).
Together with the biggest and clearly most effective security team we've had so far, Mark and I, plus his parents and Jackie and my eldest daughter, all walk through the main court doors and out into the relatively fresh air. A huge cheer goes up from our people, followed by howls of hate from the placard-waving freaks to the right of the entrance.
TV crews and still photographers surge forwards, and I shake hands with 'St. George' (many thanks, Derek) amid a sea of flashlights and a media scrum. One of our Event Stewards (clearly visible in smart high-viz tabards) hands me a hand-held megaphone and I address the crowd briefly. I thank them for coming and point out the clear contrast between them and the hate-filled workshy rabble across the street. I go on to say that the prosecution now cannot win: "Either we walk free, and millions of people will hold their heads a little higher and feel a little more free to speak their minds, or we are jailed, and millions of people will be utterly disgusted by the fact that we are sent to prison simply for telling the truth."
Mark and I shake hands with those of our supporters we can reach through the barriers and the hubbub, then we head back into the court and our long wait for the tannoy message which will call "All parties in the case of Collett and Griffin to court number 10".
Depending on what happens then, I may or may not have more to say in a final blog. Either way, it certainly won't be the last you hear from me.